One woman's path through doula training, childrearing, and a computer science Ph. D. program

Friday, November 12, 2010

C-Section and doula support

I had the privilege recently of attending a scheduled Caesarean section, or c-section, birth as a support person.  Notice I did not say that I was "the" support person.  That was the mother's partner's job.  My job was to support the couple before, during, and immediately after major abdominal surgery.  Here is my account of the events that transpired surrounding this birth.

Alice and Bob (not real names, of course) contacted me around 21 weeks gestation (out of the average gestation of 40 weeks).  We met and hit it off, and started preparing together for Clara's birth.  Alice and Bob attended six weeks of childbirth class, during which they practiced breathing and relaxation, studied the signs of labor, and watched videos of babies erupting from their mothers' vaginas.  We met several times throughout the progress of the pregnancy, and wrote back and forth a few times a week.  A birth "wish list" formed --- a wish list like so many other wish lists: minimal interventions, stay home as long as possible, hold the baby immediately after birth, breastfeed within the first hour.

But as the due date approached, the pregnancy landscape changed.  Alice's blood pressure rose, then dropped, then rose.  Clara was kicking, then still, then kicking.  Alice developed an irregular heartbeat, but only sometimes.  Clara stopped growing for a while.

"[My doctor] is talking c-section at 38 weeks," Alice wrote.  "I'm not sure how I feel about it.  Is there support for a doula to give if there is a c-section scenario?"

"Absolutely," I replied, and explained what a doula can do: stay with mom while dad goes with the baby; keep mom company, explain what is happening, and take photographs of the event for reconstruction later.

In a couple more appointments and emergency room visits, the date solidified.  Alice's obstetrician, arguably the best in the county, gave a very compelling argument that C-section was the only way their baby could be born safely.  We all agreed.  It is a bit surreal to know exactly when a baby would be born.  In normal birth, the expectation of when the birth would occur is nearly random, but here, we had a date.  Two days before the birth date, I dropped off to Alice and Bob's house the Cesarean Section book that I got at the library, as well as some other birth books that happened to have a brief, inadequate section on C-sections.

On the birthday, I arrived at the hospital just after the parents-to-be had checked in, changed, and settled in to their room at the birth center.  This birth center is not like other birth centers: it is a fully-formed hospital, with operating rooms and anaesthesiologists along with birth rooms with large tubs and showers.  The center's C-section rate is 14% at the time of this writing [1]: well-below the state average of around 26.8% [2], and an applaudable rate, given that it is a for-profit hospital.  Women giving birth at for-profit hospitals are nearly 17% more likely to end up with a C-section [3].

Alice was in bed in her hospital gown.  A nurse was trying to start an IV (part of the prep work for surgery).  Bob was sitting on the ledge under the window, and their friend Dora sat in the rocking chair.  The surgery was scheduled for two hours' hence, so we had quite a bit of time to kill.  The nurse kept trying to find a vein in Alice's dehydrated arms: Alice was forbidden from eating or drinking anything since the night before, which, as any pregnant lady knows, is a tall order.  She missed three times before the IV started to flow, on her fourth attempt.  Alice took this in stride and apologized for her shriveled veins.  We all laughed.

Perhaps one of the hardest jobs for a doula is to find a way to occupy down-time prior to something scary.  Luckily, Alice and Bob and Dora and I shared a sense of humor.  We made jokes.  We talked a mile a minute --- about boyfriends and college and kids.  We took photos.  We wondered, picking apart our own birth experiences (Dora had had a child by C-section).  Mostly, we waited.

My biggest concern in the wait to surgery was that the anaesthesiologist would not permit me to attend the C-section.  The final decision does not fall on the obstetrician, who had OK'ed my presence as a support person, but the anaesthesiologist, who stands at the patient's head, and who would have to share the space with both the mother's support people: Bob and me.

When the nurse finally came and produced two gowns, hair nets, shoe covers, and masks, I was thrilled. Bob and I donned our light blue attire, and gleefully photographed each other.  All three of us (Alice, Bob, and I) were escorted from the room, and Alice exchanged nervous, giggling good-byes with Dora. Alice was taken to a room down the hall, separated from the hallway by two sets of double doors, and shown inside.  Bob and I were asked to wait outside, by which we assumed it was meant inside one of the sets of doors.  Through the gridded window, we took photos of the operating room and of Alice and of the doctors and nurses bustling about.  Quickly, we were asked to leave and wait outside.

I will take this opportunity to say something about my behavior.  In this setting, with this particular couple, it really worked to be upbeat and jocular, to keep the atmosphere light and bright, and to play up anything even remotely funny.  Humor is one of the best coping mechanisms we have in the face of stress.  I know the significance and the gravity of major abdominal surgery, and I know how intensely painful it can be on the outside of the operating room doors.  Waiting is the most difficult thing we can do when someone we adore is under the knife and we stand around, helplessly waiting for news of well-being.  This is especially true when it is a mother and her baby.

When I was a teenager, my mother was in the hospital for a surgery.  My grandmother, my mother's mother, and I waited in the designated area.  The surgery was taking a very long time --- longer than we anticipated --- and we were both on edge.  On a whim, I started making up a story about what was taking so long: the doctor must have dropped a contact lens into the surgical site and was looking for it.  I used colorful adjectives, and acted out the story, and soon we were both trying hard to contain our nervous, wracked giggles.  I looked over and there was another woman in the waiting area watching us and laughing, tears glistening in her eyes.  She said, "I can't understand a word you are saying, but it has to be hilarious!"  If nothing else, it made the time pass faster and easier.

After a few minutes, or, closer to half an hour, of standing in the hall, watching the janitor vacuuming, and guessing the upcoming time of birth (Dora was the closest, off by just one minute), we were asked to come back in.  The operation had already begun.  In this time, Alice's spinal and epidural were administered (this birth center uses a combined spinal and epidural anesthesia), her belly scrubbed and covered with clear film, and the first incisions were made.

Bob hurried to Alice's left hand, which was strapped to the table, away from her body.  I stood by Alice's head.  Occasionally, we peeked over the curtain dividing Alice's head from her abdomen and described what was happening.  The anaesthesiologist, a small, thin, Asian man whom I will call Dr. Kim, picked up on our light tone and joined in on the conversation.  Soon, the baby was ready to be born.  Alice's obstetrician warned Alice that she may feel something, and began, lowering the partition slightly so that Bob could have a better view of the upcoming birth.

It is difficult to prepare for this moment.  Books may say that a mother may have some tugging sensations, but it is impossible to express how foreign these sensations are.  Especially after several hours of relaxation, reclined in a hospital bed; especially after some time with a spinal, blocking all sensation below the lungs; especially never to have felt such a force coming from inside the body --- imagine the strongest baby in the world twisting and turning in utero --- to suddenly, quite unexpectedly, feel the doctor pull, push, yank, maneuver, and otherwise manipulate large portions of your torso in the effort of removing a fetus from a uterus --- this is alarming, and, even though the pain nerve fibers are immersed in anaesthetics, on some level, painful.  Alice's obstetrician, aside from being known for catching life-threatening problems in the mother and saving her from statistically-significant chance of harm, thus defying all odds, is also known for making perhaps the smallest incision --- hence the overzealous pulling and pushing of the baby to deliver her through this small opening.

I was glad Alice and Bob prepared for natural childbirth and practiced breathing and relaxation, because if ever, Alice needed it now.  Between breaths together, I explained what was happening: The head is born.  Now one shoulder.  Both shoulders are born.  Your baby is born.

Faster than I could blink, the cord was cut and Clara was rushed to the baby warmer to our right, where two nurses rubbed Clara vigorously with warm blankets.  Immediately as Clara sped away with the nurses, Alice's head snapped to the right and stared in her direction.  Bob went to the baby warmer.  There was no sound.

"Is she OK?"

No reply.  Seamlessly, I took Bob's place of holding Alice's hand.

"Why isn't she crying?"

No reply, only vigorous rubbing.  The doctor and his nurse were working quickly on something on Alice's covered half; the two nurses with Clara were joined by a pediatrician.  I looked at Dr. Kim; he looked unfazed.  I took my cue from him.

"Everything is fine," I said, "it just takes some time."

Indeed, just a few very long seconds later, during which it seemed nobody was breathing, Clara uttered her first cries.  My eyes misted.  "That's your baby," I said, through tears, and squeezed Alice's hand.

The tugging on Alice's stomach continued.  I glanced over the partition and told Alice, "You are delivering your placenta."

As her uterus emptied, Alice's body was overcome with hormones and began shaking all over.  I explained that this is natural, and it happens to most women, regardless of mode of birth.  Alice felt nauseous (another common side-effect), and Dr. Kim administered an anti-nausea medicine into Alice's IV.  I continued piecing together what was happening: Now, the uterus is outside of your body and is being massaged.  Would you like a photo?  Now, the baby is being weighed and swaddled.  Now, the nurses are counting rags in preparation for sewing up the uterus in two layers.  Now, Bob is holding Clara.  Can you see?  Between bouts of seriousness, we continued joking at every possible moment.  The only serious moment --- the moment of life --- had passed.  The feeling again became like that of a joyful party (fitting, as we were celebrating a birthday).

In the subsequent minutes, we learned that the baby's cord had been around her neck; more importantly, there was a knot in the cord.  The obstetrician suggested I photograph the cord, and said, "You see this knot?  If she'd tried to have the baby vaginally, a couple of pushes and ugghh," he grunted, "dead baby."  Clearly pleased with himself at his diagnosis and skillful operation, he returned to his work.

The baby was ready to be presented her mother.  Bob brought Clara over to the operating table, holding her at arm's length like a freshly-baked bread.

"Not too close," Alice warned.  "Start slow."

He brought Clara level with Alice's elbow, and we all burst into sobs.  There is nothing more touching than a mother seeing her child for the first time.  Now he held Clara's face against Alice's.  Alice whispered to her baby.  I took photos, but everything looked blurry to me.

It takes about 15 minutes to extract a baby, if the doctor is being careful and taking his (or her) time.  But it takes at least 45 minutes to sew everything up afterwards.

After the surgery, when Alice was being wheeled out on her bed, talking at a thousand words a second, and continuing to crack jokes, Dr. Kim joked, "You are probably the most talkative patient I have ever seen."  We all laughed.

Our triumphant procession marched back to Alice's recovery room, where Dora was waiting nervously (she did not know that we were in high spirits and continued our joyful banter throughout the surgery).  Bob placed the baby in her mother's arms, and the cooing began from all three women.

When I showed Dora the photos I had taken, her eyes misted just as mine had.

"I had no idea what happened during my baby's birth," she explained.  "I don't remember anything, and there were no photos.  I would have loved to have some record of his birth."

I stayed for another couple hours as we all helped Alice nurse Clara.  Clara latched on, nursed, and slept.  Alice's milk came in three days later in full force.

Upon reflection, I was pleasantly surprised by the environment in the operating room.  I had expected a sterile environment, both physically and emotionally, but found that the family-friendly birth center was prepared to make the surgical birth both memorable and meaningful for the new parents.  Aside from the prep period, which happened behind closed doors, the father was never separated from the baby; the doula was never separated from the mother.  Care was taken to include the parents in the cleaning routine for the new baby, and provide photo opportunities wherever possible.  The nurses were friendly while being professional.  Postpartum, the nurses were sensitive to the mother's concerns even before she knew they were concerns.  I was --- I am --- proud to have been allowed to participate in such a meaningful way in this parents' birth experience.



References

[1] CalHospitalCompare. Accessed 11/12/2010.
[2] March of Dimes (2010). Health Statistics: C-Section Births By State. Accessed 11/12/2010.
[3] Johnson, N (2010). Rate of Cesareans Higher in For-Profit Hospitals. The California Report, September 13, 2010.  Accessed 11/12/2010.

Tuesday, November 9, 2010

Book report: The Woman in the Body

Martin, Emily (2001).  The Woman in the Body: A Cultural Analysis of Reproduction.  Beacon Press, 1987, revised 2001.

My score
7/10

My review
The Woman in the Body was recommended to me by one of my committee members.  Emily Martin attempts to find truth with a capital T in how women perceive themselves and their life changes, and how pervasive medical explanations are in our society.  She investigates women's experiences with menstruation, childbirth, and menopause (not reviewed here), starting with the medical model and working through interviews with women of different ages and socioeconomic classes.  As this was the first real anthropological text I have ever read, and as I have never really discussed any of these issues (other than childbirth) with other women, I was fascinated, cover to cover.  The book and its accounts describe a culture similar to my own, with women's experiences that, when averaged, are like mine.  How weird is that?

Расцвела сирень, акация...
В мире нет счастливее меня!
У меня сегодня менструация:
Значит, не беременная я!

(Loose translation: Lilacs and acacias are in bloom / There is none in the world happier than me / Today I have menstruation / Meaning I am not pregnant!)

First, Martin attacks menstruation.  The medical texts describe the monthly flow in overtly negative medical terms, which Martin dubs the failed production model: it is when the egg fails to be fertilized; the tissue dies; the outer uterine layer is shed and expelled.  But many women come to anticipate menstruation gladly as a sign both of fertility and of the lack of a pregnancy.  Interviewing women on their own feelings, she finds two different mental models.  Unsurprisingly, given sex education in school and the bombardment with the all-too-familiar medical model in popular media, middle-class women recite the failed production model as their understanding of menstruation.  But working-class women instead explain the logistical implications, saying that menstruation is when your body changes, that it lasts this many days and requires these modifications in routine and these tools to help you deal with it.  Working-class women were unable to regurgitate the failed production model entirely.

Next, Martin attacks PMS, or premenstrual syndrome, the term associated with the days just before a woman's period during which she may act out, be angry, be clumsy, and be moody.  Women report feeling more sensitive and unhappy with their lives, which makes them lash out at their children and spouses, the latter of which complain of an imperfect wife but brush it off as PMS.  Martin examines the cause of this anger and contrasts American standards (basically, that we all work like robots without regard to our natural ebbs and flows of creativity and productivity) with certain indigenous African cultures, in which menstruating women are considered "unclean" and are given a week off from their usual duties.  In this week, women enter a menstruation hut with other menstruating women, and they relax in making a slow-cooking meal for each other and focus on --- I don't know, I guess becoming cleaner people.  Of course, the menstruation hut is an impossibility in our society given our norms, but the idea is poignant: shedding endometrial tissue is taxing on the body, it affects the mind, and we need a break --- especially in a world that fails to value the work women do in the home.


The failed production model carries over from menstruation to childbirth (and these sentiments are echoed in Pushed (see my review).  Birth is the expelling of a perfect fetus from an imperfect incubator (i.e., the mother).  The mother is producing the fetus, and medicine focuses on this production  There is a timeline for what is considered "normal" (and, for statistical purposes, "normal" is fairly well defined) and any birth deviating from around normal is augmented.  From the moment a pregnant woman in labor enters the hospital, the clock is ticking, and the production of the fetus must happen in the appropriate time.  Martin points out Barbara Rothman's research showing that the time women labor in a hospital has been decreasing linearly since the 1940s [1].  The increasing prevalence of fetal monitors, both internal and external, wireless and wired, transmitting information to the nurses' station, means that medical personnel no longer need to attend to the woman in labor, but to the machine that monitors her.  The woman is becoming an annoying afterthought in the process of expelling the fetus.  Meanwhile, the leading obstetrical text, Williams Obstetrics, fails to mention the mother in the paragraphs about labor and childbirth altogether until the small section on "intra-abdominal pressure," and instead encourages doctors to ally with the fetus, small and innocent, rather than the mother, capable of introducing great harms to the fetus due to the pathological condition which is natural labor.  It is no wonder women in America are striking against the hospital, striking against institutionalized medicine, to take back birth and take back their rights to their bodies!

Then there is the matter of interventions, and especially C-sections.  It is no mystery that our national c-section rate is around 33%.  Is there a difference when you control for race and class?  Of course there is.  Martin poses two theories.
  1. Higher C-section rates for middle-class white women because these women can pay for the privilege of the commodity which is higher health standards.
  2. Higher C-section rates for working-class black women because these women are used as "guinea pigs" in medicine; where new procedures are tested, refined, and perfected.
Martin found both theories supported.  Middle-class white women received C-sections for real medical emergencies, such as prolapsed cord, bleeding, and high blood pressure.  Meanwhile, black working-class women received C-sections for the catch-all phrase "dystocia," which includes and is derived directly from running up against a time limit in labor.  On top of this, black working-class women are mistreated by the hospital staff, being denied pain medication, comfort techniques, and presence of their loved ones.  Martin summarizes how these two groups of women can and, those that feel they must, must resist the hospital environment, to strike and protect their bodies and their rights, in their own ways: 
For a white middle-class woman, the salient issue may be to stall going to the hospital so the clock cannot be started or to organize and demand that all hospitals in the region install birthing rooms; for a white working-class woman, stalling may be an issue, but behind it lurks the larger issue of finding a way to pay for prenatal, obstetrical, or infant care; for a black working-class woman, the issues of stalling and paying may be crucial, but even if she contends with them, she still may have to find a way to avoid downright mistreatment or to manage to have matters explained to her at all.
Conclusion

What is my interpretation of the result of this critical look at women's perception of their own menstruation and childbirth?  Women's experiences with, understanding of, and ways of communicating the details of menstruation and childbirth varies by socioeconomic class and race.  As women progress up the socioeconomic ladder, they become unquestioningly accepting of the medical models from textbooks, by which doctors abide.  As they accept, they are indoctrinated into the system and become part of it, even despite significant research showing the system to be flawed.  There is a silent war between working class and middle-class women: between women that fight the flawed system and are fought by it, and women that have become part of the system, contributing to its flaws.

References

[1] Barbara Katz Rothman (1983).  Midwives in Transition: The Structure of a Clinical Revolution.  Social Problems, Vol. 30, No. 3, Thematic Issue: Technique and the Conduct of Life (Feb., 1983), pp. 262-271.  University of California Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/800352

Wednesday, November 3, 2010

Teaching Childbirth: Top 5 Tools of the Trade

How did people --- doctors, midwives --- learn about childbirth in the past, and how is it done currently? Of course, illustrations depicting what was assumed and known about the female reproductive system have been around for centuries.  My interest is in three-dimensional models.  I will outline a few in the post below.

#5: The antique dolls

These 19th-century dolls were used to teach midwives about the mechanics of childbirth [1].  They were typically made from leather, catgut, and porcelain.  These dolls have limited stretch, mobility, and, frankly, realism, although the attention to detail is present (check out the stretch marks).  The baby is unable to pass through the vaginal canal in these models; instead, a panel on the stomach opens and the baby is lifted out.

There are other dolls, made out of other materials.  Most interestingly is the crochet doll shown below.  Benefits of crochet is that it is stretchy; on the other hand, it is hardly realistic (unless you add copious amounts of pubic hair, as shown).



#4: The Made-in-China childbirth skills training model


Four models in one package are now available for purchase by the general public, so if you ever wanted your own special vagina, this is your chance [3].  This package includes a cervical check model, a childbirth model with fetus, and a perineum cutting simulation.  Wait, what was that?  Oh, yes, an episiotomy model.  Known as "the unkindest cut," episiotomy is a surgical incision in the perineum.  The idea is that such a cut will help the baby be born faster, will prevent tearing, and will be easier to sew up.  Although the baby usually does flop out after the perineal opening is widened, the incision typically tears further, creating both a cut and a tear.  And it has been shown that a clean cut is just as easy to sew up and is just as quick to heal as a natural tear.  Episiotomy is a topic of great debate (and great ridicule) in the West, including the US and most European countries.  But in China, the episiotomy rate ranges between 65% to 93% with a mean of 82% in 2001.  By comparison, the US episiotomy rate was found to be around 33%; the UK rate, the lowest in any European country, was 13%.


#3: The $50,000 pelvis named SIMone



SIMone is probably the most comprehensive pelvis money can buy.  You can practice birthing scenarios at your heart's delight with this amazing computerized model [5].  SIMone's makers suggest that this pelvis also imitates sounds of maternal distress.  I am not quite sure where the speakers are; to be honest, if a pelvis started moaning and crying, I may moan and cry too.


#2: The UK model pelvis and associated childbirth training

This model pelvis and newborn is used to teach obstetricians and any doctor that works around newborns.  The doctors train in delivering the baby in different complicated situations (e.g., shoulder dystocia), and are required to complete this training annually [2].  The doctors may benefit from this training (at least temporarily) because they practice real techniques in real time with a real audience, which simulates the intensely stressful situation that the doctors might encounter with a real woman.

This is actually pretty cool, and I am glad to see some rigorous training being done with these models.


#1: The Japanese Robotic Vagina

Oh, the Japanese.  They come up with amazing things, like the boyfriend arm pillow for women, the woman's lap pillow for men, and Le Trung's perfect woman named Aiko.  Now, we cut to the chase, eliminating the middle-man: the robotic vagina.

I must say that I searched far and wide for a reputable source for the robotic vagina, but came up with pages of URLs of the form "Japanese Robotic Vagina: Now Making Childbirth Even More Horrifying."  A still picture makes little sense; you have to see the video.  With the sound off.  Those servo motors are ridiculously loud.


Conclusion

With the exception of the early birth dolls, which contained a full body and an expressionless face, the models of modern-day have, at best, only a torso, a highly realistic and anatomically correct vagina, and sometimes stumps for legs.  Why is this unsettling?  Well.  Pregnant women, and women in labor, frequently complain about doctors not really seeing them as people.  Doctors come in, look at the belly, look at the chart, bark some orders, and leave.  "He didn't even look at my face," women complain, without loss of generality to gender of the physician.  This fragmentation between woman and her body, between woman and her genitalia, transcends the physician boundary and permeates women.  Women describe their bodies as outside themselves.  "The uterus contracts," they say, de-emphasizing that the uterus is part of themselves [6].

Using this faceless, limbless, body-less model of a vagina, and training doctors to look only there, with total disregard to the rest of the woman as a person, perpetuates the notion that women are invisible: only the reproductive tract is important, and only the product of the production model of childbirth (i.e., the baby) is important.  But to many women in Western society, the experience of birth is just as important as the outcome (the healthy baby).  If we, women, are treated by what amounts to medical superiors as a limbless abdomen, we are made to feel insignificant.

Of course, building a full-body model, complete with a face capable of emotion, is prohibitive.  But perhaps incorporating sensitivity to the concerns and emotions of women in labor into the training, when using these models, will make a step in the right direction.  Perhaps it will help.



Note

There are many other childbirth models available for purchase both by hospitals and by individuals.  This list is not intended to be exhaustive.



References

[1] Wright, A. (2009) Birthing Dolls. ProfoundlySuperficial (blog), May 24, 2009. Accessed 11/3/2010
[2] Bavley, A. (2008) KU Hospital First in Nation to Use Course for Childbirth Emergencies. The Kansas City Star via NursingLink, August 14, 2008. Accessed 11/3/2010
[3] Childbirth Skills Training Model. Accessed 11/3/2010.
[4] Graham, I. D., Carroli, G., Davies, C. and Medves, J. M. (2005), Episiotomy Rates Around the World: An Update. Birth, 32: 219–223. doi: 10.1111/j.0730-7659.2005.00373.x
[5] Gynecological Models, Obstetric Models, and Childbirth Models. Accessed 11/3/2010
[6] Martin, E. (1987) The Woman in the Body. Beacon Press, Boston.
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